By the time legislators stopped fighting over which constituents they would hold hostage, winners were gloating and losers were stewing.
Illinois Democratic Senate President Don Harmon bragged the state’s new congressional district map setting the geographic boundaries of the state’s 17 districts is “good” and “fair.”
News reports indicate that, in an impressive display of discipline, the veteran politician said that with a straight face.
The map, of course, is not fair. The Princeton Gerrymandering Project graded it an “F.”
But, unless and until a federal court says otherwise, it will dictate who represents Illinois in the U.S. House of Representatives.
Under the plan, Democrats should win 14 of the state’s 17 congressional seats in November 2022.
Dems already claimed one scalp, placing Republican U.S. Rep. Adam Kinzinger in the same district with his fellow GOP U.S. Rep. Daren LaHood. In a Friday statement, Kinzinger said he will not run for re-election, instead focusing his energy elsewhere.
“This isn’t the end of my political future, but the beginning,” said Kinzinger, who wasn’t the only casualty of the redistricting process. Map-drawers targeted one of their own, freshman Democrat U.S. Rep. Marie Newman by placing her in the overwhelmingly Hispanic 4th district occupied by U.S. Rep. Chuy Garcia. They turned on her to create a new Hispanic 3rd district.
An enraged Newman blamed “one person” — Democratic U.S. Rep. Sean Casten — for her political troubles. She subsequently announced that, regardless living in the 4th district, she’ll run against Casten in the Democratic Party’s 6th district primary.
In their third version of the congressional map, Democrats paired Newman and Casten in the same 6th district. After Casten complained, Newman was shunted aside and placed in the 4th district.
Although Democrats’ fourth map was approved, it was preceded by a knockdown, drag-out fight over much-coveted political turf. But even though some Democrats were unhappy, the GOP is the real target.
The Republicans’ current five members in the state’s congressional delegation is expected to be reduced to three.
Veteran map analyst Frank Calabrese points out that in 12 of the 17 congressional districts President Joe Biden got a minimum of 55 percent of the vote in 2020. In two other districts — 13 and 17 — Biden got 54 and 53 percent, respectively.
Map-drawers stuffed Republicans into three districts — 12, 15 and 16 — areas where former President Donald Trump received majorities ranging from 60 to 71 percent.
The maps call for Republican U.S. Rep. Rodney Davis to be moved from the competitive 13th to a new overwhelmingly GOP 15th.
The new 13th, drawn to elect Dem candidate Nikki Budzinski, will include parts of Davis’ current district, including Champaign-Urbana. The new snake-like 13th runs from C-U to the borders of St. Louis.
The new 12th, which covers about one-third of the state, pairs incumbent Republican U.S. Reps. Mike Bost and Mary Miller against each other.
Pairings of that nature serve a dual purpose. Packing GOP voters into three districts helps Democratic candidates elsewhere. Further, it leads to potentially divisive primaries that spread anger and discord among the competing intra-party factions.
But what else is new? Redistricting is inherently political, each party vying to draw the most advantageous maps possible.
Democratic super-majorities in Springfield provided them a free hand — absent legal problems — to feather their own political nests.
It’s an ugly process that reveals that it’s a rare politician who doesn’t put his interests first. Although unappetizing for all but the winners, history demonstrates it is survivable.
